Any as a Finian Quantifier
We argue here that the two conflcting views on the semantic
status of any, namely Kadmon and Landman's 1993 analysis, and
veridicality-based approaches (Dayal 1995), can be reconciled by using the
notion of non individiduation. Any essentially forbids semantic configurations in which the
proposition it occurs in could be proved by an enumeration on individual cases. Therefore, it demands either that
there be no individual events which could serve in a proof (hence its so-called neghative polarity), or
that the domain of individuals be variable (hence its free-choiceness). We point out the strong similarity
between this latter behaviour and the Finian theme of arbitrariness (Fine 1985, 1988, 1995).
L.M. Tovena and J. Jayez